Publicly, America's Gulf partners talk de-escalation. Privately, they urge Washington to finish the job in Iran.
The truest thing in politics is often the thing nobody wants to say.
Right now, America’s partners in the Gulf are all saying the proper things in public. Out loud.
Outwardly, they want calm. They want diplomacy. They want negotiations. They want “regional stability,” which is the polite phrase governments use when missiles are flying and oil prices are upside down. Saudi Arabia spent Wednesday hosting Arab and Islamic foreign ministers to discuss security and stability. Qatar is still openly calling for de-escalation. The UAE is still calling for de-escalation.
And yet the private story coming out of the Gulf is very different.
Media outlets, including the Washington Post, reported this week that Gulf Arab states are now urging Washington not to stop short and leave Iran still able to threaten the region’s oil lifeline.
That is a development worth considering. Because if the Gulf states were really horrified chiefly by American force, they would be pushing above all for an immediate stop. Instead, the prevailing mood among Gulf leaders seems to be that Iran’s military capacity should be degraded comprehensively enough that it cannot keep holding the region hostage every time tensions rise.
That is not the mood of governments who think America is losing. It is the mood of governments who are scared that America might quit too early.
And honestly, can you blame them? Iran has not been lashing out only at Israel or only at U.S. military positions. Tehran has attacked airports, ports, oil facilities and commercial hubs across the Gulf while disrupting shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, the artery through which about 20% of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows.
According to recent news reports, Saudi Arabia intercepted four ballistic missiles headed toward Riyadh on Wednesday alone. The kingdom has faced hundreds of Iranian missiles and drones since the war began. The UAE, meanwhile, said it had suffered more than 1,400 attacks in recent days and made clear it would protect vital desalination and energy infrastructure.
This is why the public script and the private script no longer match.
The public script is: please de-escalate. The private script is: please do not leave us alone with this.
Qatar has said it will keep talking to Iran and seeking de-escalation, but even Qatar’s prime minister said Iran’s actions delivered “a huge shake-up” to trust and insisted that Iran must stop attacking Gulf countries that are not party to the war. Which is why, public fury across the Gulf is aimed less at Washington than at Tehran.
Qatar’s leadership called Iran’s conduct a “betrayal.” In other words, the Gulf states may dislike the war, fear the war, and want the war to end. But many of them appear to blame Iran for creating the conditions that made this war feel unavoidable.
This matters because it cuts directly against the lazy narrative that the region is simply recoiling from American and Israeli aggression. On the contrary: The Gulf states have lived for years with the knowledge that Tehran or its proxies could menace tankers, energy infrastructure, airports, and cities whenever it suited the regime. For many of these governments, the greater danger now is not decisive American action. The greater danger is a half-finished war that leaves Iran still able to blackmail the region later.
That does not mean they want to wear the jersey themselves. It’s not pretty: It’s realism.
Washington has been pressing Gulf states and other allies to do more, while several U.S. partners have refused to send ships to help reopen the Strait of Hormuz. Germany, Spain, and Italy said they had no immediate plans to help escort shipping through the waterway, even as it remains largely closed. So yes, the appetite for publicly joining America’s war is limited. Very limited. But that is not the same thing as wanting America to fail. Quite the opposite. A lot of countries seem to want the benefits of a weakened Iran without the political and military cost of helping weaken it.
That is revealing.
Because if America were truly losing this war, or if Gulf governments believed Trump had blundered into a strategic disaster, they would not be whispering that he must not stop too soon. They would be desperately trying to put distance between themselves and Washington. Instead, the Gulf states appear to be trying to balance on a very narrow ledge: publicly maintain the language of diplomacy, privately hope the United States and Israel finish enough of the job that Hormuz cannot be terrorized again six months — or six years — from now.
Nor is the hard part over — far from it. The Strait is still dangerous. The uranium question is unresolved. There are now reports, denied by the Kremlin, that Russia may be sharing satellite imagery and improved drone technology with Iran. So no, nobody should confuse “real progress” with “neat ending.”
But the Gulf’s private panic still tells the real story.
These governments know exactly what kind of regime Iran is, because they live next door to it. They know exactly what Hormuz means, because their economies run through it. And they know exactly what it would mean to emerge from this war with Iran bloodied, angry, and still strong enough to threaten the same oil and shipping lanes all over again. That is why their public message is “de-escalate,” but their private fear is “don’t stop halfway.”
(Contributing writer, Brooke Bell)